Engineering, politics, Labour and reality

As I sit here on the train, reading a book on ethics, I am mindful of being an engineer in politics.

Engineers are quintessentially pragmatic. We get things done, in the circumstances we face, with the resources we have. We may accept falling short of perfection, but we deliver things which work and improve them.

However, we don’t flounder around uninformed. Aeroplanes do not fly thanks to fairy dust and software does not write itself. Aerospace engineering requires the application of correct ideas. Software engineering is little more than ideas implemented.

However, as anyone who has engineered aircraft or software will know, engineering is compromise.  No vehicle travels faster than light and no computer program has found the second Meerten’s Number1 The former is fantasy. The latter, a practical impossibility.

That is, if you wish to achieve something in the real world, it is important to understand how the real world works, even if you cannot perfectly apply your ideas.

And so we turn to the attitude of the opposition benches yesterday.

Labour’s jeering, self-righteous indignation and lack of remorse over the public finances seems to suggest two premises. The first is that the government has an inexhaustible horn of plenty.  The second is that the financial crisis was an automatic feature of the economy which could not have been avoided.

The Government does not have an inexhaustible horn of plenty. Government funds itself by taking today, promising to take a greater sum tomorrow and debasing the currency. We have reached the limits of all three and the consequence is an entirely predictable crisis.

Thanks to something called the Laffer Curve, it now seems likely that increasing taxes will reduce government revenues.

We are at the limits of government borrowing. As one commentator put it, Gordon Brown’s borrowing was “reckless in the extreme”.  Furthermore, as was argued yesterday in the Commons, government borrowing last year was facilitated by buying from the market with new money government bonds of a value broadly the same as that which the government needed to sell.

Rulers have always debased the currency to pay for their escapades. When they clipped coins of intrinsic value, the immorality of it was obvious. Now that effect is achieved by something which sounds terribly technical (“quantitative easing“) and by the nature of the banking system (private banking with a fractional reserve, controlled by a central bank) the immorality of it is less obvious. However, as Toby Baxendale explains, the pound has lost around 99.5% of its value over the last century. Debasement is a stealth tax, one which redistributes wealth towards those who receive the new money first: it is primarily a tax on those with low and fixed incomes. At its extremes, currency debasement ends in a Crack Up Boom which finally destroys the currency.

As I have explained before, the banking crisis and the wider economic and fiscal consequences are not attributable to the free market. It was all horribly predictable.

Labour’s premises are wrong. There is no inexhaustible horn of plenty from which a benevolent government can dispense unlimited gifts. This crisis is not an automatic result of the operation of the free market, but a result of bad banking law and government intervention.

It is no good the opposition jeering and pointing as they oppose cuts to unaffordable Government spending. If we are serious about human well-being, prosperity and social progress for everyone, then we need to face the world as it really is and find a way through. Neither fantasy nor insistence on defeating practical impossibilities will do.

This begs the question, “How does society work?”. It turns out, of course, that our generation is not the first to ask. The first systematic treatises on the nature of society and social cooperation were written by the Thomist Scholastics of Salamanca in the 15th and 16th centuries. Their ideas resurfaced with scholars including Menger, Bohm-Bawerk and Mises. Their system of thinking may or may not be complete, but it appears to have the greatest explanatory power for our circumstances today.

Where to begin? Mises’ Human Action is perhaps the definitive treatise, though it has been extended and refined over the years. However, if you only have time for a pamphlet, I recommend Eamonn Butler’s primer on Mises, available to download or buy from the Institute of Economic Affairs.

We may not like reality, but we do have to deal with it. Pragmatic we must be, but let’s at least grasp some good ideas.

  1. A Meerten’s Number is an integer which is its own Gödel Number: given a sequence x1x2x3xn of positive integers, the Gödel encoding of the sequence is the product of the first n primes raised to their corresponding values in the sequence. That is, the problem of Meerten’s Numbers is one simply of arithmetic, albeit of large numbers and large primes. There is at least one Meerten’s Number but if you have found the second or subsequent number in the series, please let me know. []

An invitation to consider some fundamental questions

I have often said that politics is, or should be, a serious conversation about society.
Here are some fundamental questions to consider:

  • Should society be organised by peaceful or forceful means?
  • Who owns each person’s life? That is, is your life your own?
  • Ethically, can you compel people to do good? Should people freely choose to do what good they can?
  • Is every decision made objectively or are some or all decisions subjective?
  • What is the purpose of democracy? For example, is it to limit forceful action to only those areas where people genuinely agree, or is it to authorise a cabal to use whatever force they see fit?

The challenge is to think through the consequences of your answers and the extent to which they can be fulfilled.  Some of these books may help.

And no, Plato’s Republic is not the right answer.

My answers are these: peaceful; my life is my own; no and yes; some, perhaps most, decisions are subjective choices made in the absence of all the relevant information; democracy’s just purpose is to limit forceful action to those areas where there is genuine agreement. None of this limits my fury against injustice and poverty but we cannot continue to seek to solve our problems by resorting to force.

“Sex and drug lessons from age 5″

Via Sex and drug lessons from age 5 – Telegraph, another forcible attempt to reengineer society, irrespective of the wishes of responsible parents:

Under the new curriculum, pupils as young as seven will learn about puberty and the facts of life and five-year-olds will be taught about parts of the body, relationships and the effects of drugs on the body.

Once they reach secondary school, pupils will learn about contraception, HIV and Aids, pregnancy and different kinds of relationships – including same sex unions and civil partnerships.

So-called Personal, Social, Health and Economic (PSHE) education is to become compulsory in both primary and secondary schools from September 2011, and will be enshrined in new legislation.

Faith schools will not be able to opt out of any part of the new statutory curriculum, Ed Balls also confirmed today, although they will be able to teach topics within the ”tenets of their faith”.

Is it any wonder responsibility is passing away when parents are not even to be allowed to control when their children are educated about sex and drugs?


From Socialism, by Ludwig von Mises:

Proposals to transform the relations between the sexes have long gone hand in hand with plans for the socialization of the means of production. Marriage is to disappear along with private property, giving place to an arrangement more in harmony with the fundamental facts of sex. When man is liberated from the yoke of economic labour, love is to be liberated from all the economic trammels which have profaned it. Socialism promises not only welfare—wealth for all—but universal happiness in love as well. This part of its programme has been the source of much of its popularity. It is significant that no other German socialist book was more widely read or more effective as propaganda than Bebel’s Woman and Socialism, which is dedicated above all to the message of free love.

Labour have got to go.

Further reading

The Abolition of Man

C S Lewis’ book The Abolition of Man is presented as three lectures examining the ultimate outcome of a philosophy which seeks to abandon the Tao: the body of natural law.

In his first lecture, Lewis illustrates the trend of his time to disregard values and emotions: to dismiss them, encouraging instead a subjective approach. He explains that those who lack these values are “men without chests”, not having the trunk which unites intellectual man with animal man.

He goes on to examine that natural law which has been common to civilizations as diverse as the ancient Egyptians, Babylonions, Jews, Romans, Greeks, Anglo-Saxons and Norse. Lewis incorporates the Old and New Testaments, Confucius, Hindu texts and Renaissance philosophers to establish the common precepts which have sustained mankind. He concludes by exposing the only position which can reject these natural laws and remain consistent:

You say we have no values at all if we step outside the Tao. Very well: we shall probably find that we can get on quite comfortably without them. Let us regard all ideas of what we ought to do simply as an interesting psychological survival: let us step right out of all that and start doing what we like. Let us decide for ourselves what man is to be and make him into that: not on any ground of imagined value, but because we want him to be such. Having mastered our environment, let us now master ourselves and choose our own destiny.

Lewis concludes by describing humanity’s ultimate destiny on this path: a dystopian society in which “we find the whole human race subjected to some individual men, and those individuals subjected to that in themselves which is purely ‘natural’ — to their irrational impulses.” He observes that “A dogmatic belief in objective value is necessary to the very idea of a rule which is not tyranny or an obedience which is not slavery.”
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We’re in danger of entering a new Dark Age – Telegraph

As I was saying to Beth only the other day after reading Roche*:

Distracted by celebrity, softened up by the education system, we have also succumbed to what you could call intellectual relativism. We have reached a state of affairs whereby people believe that the validity of their views is determined by the strength with which they hold them, not by any reference to empiricism. And so we hear phrases such as “Well that is your truth – it’s not mine”, or, increasingly, the word which is doing untold damage to the concept of objectivity: “whatever”. When confronted with evidence which undermines the current fashion or your own prejudices, simply lift your hand and say “whatever”, and you can avoid all the discomforts of the value of truth, or objectivity, or of being plain wrong.

via We’re in danger of entering a new Dark Age – Telegraph.

This is a great article by Liam Fox and a reason for optimism: we may yet pick ourselves up and change.

* It’s amazing she puts up with it ;)

Gordon Brown, the G20, hyperinflation and economic incompetence

Gordon Brown promises increased economic intervention by the G20, including sales of gold reserves, and the emergence of “a new world order”:

Janet Daley looks for comfort:

Gordon Brown has announced - in his best portentous tones – that the G20 summit concluded that “global problems require global solutions”. What the summit actually proved was, to adapt Margaret Thatcher, you can’t buck national electorates. There will be no World Government today, thank heavens. The critique of Mr Brown’s summit (as it presumably must be known) in this country will probably concentrate on its failure to produce the humungous additional financial stimulus that the Anglo-American alliance was urging. So on that score, the Franco-German axis got its way.

via No World Government yet – thank heavens :: Janet Daley.

While the Mises Institute uses long-established economic theory to demonstrate that we will have hyperinflation and a progressive undermining of the free-market order — such as it has been — as a result of present policies:

[F]iat money created through bank credit expansion necessarily causes boom-and-bust cycles, inducing governments to push back free-market forces to prop up the economy and keep the fiat-money regime afloat; in fact, fiat money will increasingly undermine the free-market order.

via There Will Be (Hyper)Inflation – Thorsten Polleit – Mises Institute .

The logical facts of market phenomena are consistent through time; government intervention is “superfluous and useless, but also harmful”:

[S]ociety must choose between two systems of social organization: either it can create a social order that is built on private property in the means of production, or it can establish a command system in which government owns or manages all production and distribution. There is no logical third system of a private property order subject to government regulation. The “middle of the road” leads to socialism because government intervention is not only superfluous and useless, but also harmful. It is superfluous because the interdependence of market phenomena narrowly circumscribes individual action and economic relations. It is useless because government regulation cannot achieve the objectives it is supposed to achieve. And it is harmful be cause it hampers man’s productive efforts where, from the consumers’ viewpoint, they are most useful and valuable. It lowers labor productivity and redirects production along lines of political command, rather than consumer satisfaction.

via Critique of Interventionism by Ludwig von Mises .

Politicians may prefer ethics to economic theory, but is it ethical to ignore the economic realities one does not like?

Right, wrong and education

Consider these news stories:

Pupils will no longer have to be taught the difference between “right and wrong” under draft plans put forward by England’s exams regulator.

via BBC NEWS | Education | ‘Right and wrong’ lessons to end.

Parents should avoid telling their children what is “right and wrong” when discussing sex education, according to a new government leaflet.

via Parents advised to stay away from ‘right or wrong’ in sex advice – Telegraph.

In the context of this moral relativism  and David Cameron’s determination to fix our broken society, Roche’s 1969 book “Education in America” is a fascinating insight into how education has come to fail to prepare individuals to choose freely within a fixed moral framework, to think and act for themselves. He explains, for example, that:

Traditionally, education has not been concerned so exclusively with the mere manipulation of the individual. The teacher found himself within a framework of values, within a situation faced in common by all men. To teach, therefore, did not mean to manipulate the young into some “socially acceptable” pattern. Instead, teaching meant sharing with the student the mystery of being human. Today’s scientistic approach promises to do away with the human condition entirely, putting its own goals and means in place of the individual human being and his feelings, aspirations, and qualifications. C.S. Lewis has predicted that such a change in our educational and social philosophy is a move toward “the abolition of man.”

Throughout history, many have understood that a good society requires both liberty and boundaries. Individuals need to be sufficiently educated to make responsible choices, but this is not our trajectory today: we deny standards of behaviour, of morality, of good and evil, and so deny the possibility of education in any meaningful sense.

A patron saint of the intellectual climate of twentieth century America was J. Allen Smith [...]. Smith, in a moment of reflection, apparently had misgivings about the course of events: “The trouble with us reformers is that we made reform a crusade against standards. Well, we smashed them all, and now neither we nor anyone else have anything left.” 

The experience of thousands of years of human history on which we stand is that this will not promote society’s healthy progress. It’s time to nurture responsibility, discipline and intellect: it’s time for change.