Via Detlev Schlichter: Deceits and delusions – Some thoughts on the euro-crisis and democracy

Anybody with any knowledge of economics should feel uneasy at the sight of a country where half of recorded economic activity is conducted by the state. Are such semi-socialist societies operable, and if so, for how long?

Read the article via Deceits and delusions – Some thoughts on the euro-crisis and democracy.

Here’s the growth of the British Government to over half of GDP:

The growth of the British Government

We can escape this mess towards sustainable prosperity, but that escape will require substantial reforms towards sound institutions of social cooperation: honest money, strong property rights, freedom to contract, an end to trade barriers and lower, simpler taxes.

How government and the economy interact

Here’s another thought-provoking video from Learn Liberty:

I have had a fascinating but concerning week, watching the Government commit to a giant state-planned, taxpayer-backed project in the shape of HS2, getting to know some of the surprisingly thoughtful people in the Occupy movement, speaking with Radio 4 Analysis about what is wrong with capitalism and, last night, speaking to Conservatives, LibDems and libertarians at Warwick University about the doctrine of liberty and why it matters so much today.

As I wrote in an article for The JC recently, the state has exceeded its ability to fund itself through taxation for forty years. A Ponzi scheme funded by currency debasement created the illusion of prosperity before, inevitably, breaking itself. This is the crisis we face and all of us concerned with sustainable prosperity for everyone will need to think deeply about where society heads next to best meet the general interest.

See also Why public spending is hard to cut, If this is capitalism, I am not a capitalist and my early article on Occupy.

Remember, remember, the 5th of November

Occupy London 6 by Nathan Meijer (click for source)

As CNN reports, the V for Vendetta-style Guy Fawkes mask has inspired Occupy protesters around the world. CNN points out:

Ironically Fawkes, far from being the anti-establishment hero he has come to be seen as in the years since his death, was a monarchist who merely wanted to replace the Anglican king with a Catholic queen.

A transcript of his trial with co-conspirators is available here. It’s hard reading for one not accustomed to 17th century English but, in relation to the matter of the conspiracy:

As concerning the second, which is the Matter conspired; it was,

First, To deprive the King of his Crown.
Secondly, To murder the King, the Queen, and the Prince.
Thirdly, To stir Rebellion and Sedition in the Kingdom.
Fourthly, To bring a miserable Destruction amongst the Subjects.
Fifthly, To change, alter, and subvert the Religion here established.
Sixthly, To ruinate the State of the Commonwealth, and to bring in Strangers to invade it.

It’s all far from an answer to the contemporary corporatism which oppresses and impoverishes the majority of us and yet Fawkes inspires those who protest the obvious failures in our present system. Having visited the protest, I believe most protesters are peaceful.  I shouldn’t think they are volunteering for the punishment decreed for Fawkes and his conspirators: it included, amongst other things, having their genitals cut off and burnt before them.

The protesters’ use of Fawkes masks is surely far less to do with Fawkes himself and far more to do with the fantasy of revolution against state tyranny that is V for Vendetta.  The film, like the protestors, errs in eulogising Fawkes, a traitor and terrorist, but it is not without wisdom.

In particular, in his broadcast speech, V says of the dystopian state of Britain:

How did this happen? Who is to blame? Well certainly there are those who are more responsible than others, and they will be held accountable, but again, truth be told, if you are looking for the guilty, you need only look into a mirror.

And so we should. Each of us, over several generations and with the best of intentions, has voted for parties which offered doctrines of state power, not freedom.

If the banks and other large corporations oppress us and manufacture injustice (and they do), it is because they enjoy privileges granted by the state, privileges which – like deposit insurance and bank bailouts – were meant to protect us. Corporations do not have coercive power: states are territorial monopolies on the use of force. The privileges granted to corporations and the consequent injustices are the tragic result of attempts by democracies to provide what people want: security and prosperity.

In the mid-nineteenth century, Alexis de Tocqueville set out the kind of despotism democratic nations have to fear:

Above this race of men stands an immense and tutelary power, which takes upon itself alone to secure their gratifications and to watch over their fate. That power is absolute, minute, regular, provident, and mild. It would be like the authority of a parent if, like that authority, its object was to prepare men for manhood; but it seeks, on the contrary, to keep them in perpetual childhood: it is well content that the people should rejoice, provided they think of nothing but rejoicing. For their happiness such a government willingly labors, but it chooses to be the sole agent and the only arbiter of that happiness; it provides for their security, foresees and supplies their necessities, facilitates their pleasures, manages their principal concerns, directs their industry, regulates the descent of property, and subdivides their inheritances: what remains, but to spare them all the care of thinking and all the trouble of living?

And so the Government worries about wellbeing in a thoroughly technocratic way and brings you Mindspace: Influencing behaviour through public policy. The state today spends over half of GDP: can anyone seriously believe that this is limited government and a free society? Communist China spends less: 2010 GDP was $5.93 trillion and state spending $1.33 trillion – 22% of GDP .

In The Road to Serfdom, Hayek explained that technocratic government would crush Parliamentary democracy, just as it has done, and lead to tyranny through its own failure. In Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy, Schumpeter made the case that the success of capitalism, in the context of democracy, would lead to corporatism and the fostering of values hostile to entrepreneurship. Capitalism would be replaced by some form of socialism through a tendency, which we have seen, of electorates to return parties of social democracy. Schumpeter believed the intellectual trends of society would destroy the capitalist structure.

And so it has come to pass. In Living with Leviathan, David B Smith writes (as I have blogged before):

New Labour’s so-called ‘third way’, and the prevalent economic paradigm in much of ‘Old Europe’, appears to correspond to none of these categories [free market, socialist and 'Butskellite' mixed]. Instead, it appears to be a system under which the private sector maintains a nominal legal control over its capital and labour, but the returns on these factors of production are so heavily influenced by tax and regulation that the public sector ends up effectively controlling such returns. This sham form of mixed economy, which needs to be distinguished from the British mixed economy of the 1950s, has traditionally been associated with fascist regimes – for example, the gelenkte Wirtschaft (supple or ‘joined-up’ economy) that Goering implemented in Nazi Germany in 1936.

The awful truth for many who protest our present social system, calling for greater democratic control over more extensive state power in the general interest, is that we already live in the system which is the inevitable, predictable consequence of their demands. It is that statist system which is manufacturing injustice, eroding freedom and impoverishing us today.

In the film, V says,

People should not be afraid of their governments. Governments should be afraid of their people.

Indeed, and when people demand liberty over licentiousness and security, their freedom from state power and the dignity to determine their own destiny within a fixed moral framework, no doubt politicians will arise who will give it to them.

I look forward to the day.

Further reading

More QE to be discussed today

If the Bank of England today decides on more Quantitative Easing, I’ll produce an article explaining why they are wrong, why QE is a grave source of injustice and how it will fail to revive the economy. In the meantime, here’s a flavour from James Tyler at The Cobden Centre:

Governments achieve rising prices by encouraging the supply of new money.  This new money comes from the central bank via its control of the banking system.  The first users of this new money are invariably politicians, finance capitalism and big business. These guys get to use the newly minted money first, and thus spend it first.  This process bids up prices, leaving everyone else chasing behind, and poor old Mr Smith last in the queue.

What an evil system it is then, when government can control money in such a way as to give it a first user advantage that penalises all those in the general population whose wealth is being rapidly diluted.  A process that systematically violates and loots pensions, savings, fixed incomes and the actions of prudent, and rewards the profligate, the speculative borrowers and above all, rewards the biggest borrower of all: Government.

The riots in England

Over the past few days, many constituents have written to me expressing anger and dismay about the riots, policing and justice. I share this anger and dismay.  As I said in my article on Wednesday, we must establish that the state’s duty is to protect the law-abiding and their property first and foremost and that the police do not require the consent of rioters before acting with reasonable force.

The Prime Minister has said that we will do whatever it takes to restore law and order and to rebuild our communities. His statement yesterday may be found here.

As the Prime Minister has said, too few police were deployed and their tactics did not work. They faced widespread, simultaneous looting, not concentrated public disorder.

More police have now been put on the streets, more people have been arrested and more criminals are being prosecuted.  No phoney concerns will get in the way of publicising the faces of those wanted for crimes.  The police are already authorised to use baton rounds (“rubber bullets”) and there are contingency plans in place to make water cannon available at 24 hours notice.  The Government will give the police the power to remove face coverings under any circumstances where there is reasonable suspicion that they are related to criminal activity.

The Prime Minister also announced measures to support victims and to tackle the culture of criminality which has grown up in our country. There is a difference between right and wrong: a culture which glorifies violence, disrespect and irresponsibility is unacceptable. The Government is setting out to do those things which will change our broken society.

I was glad that the Prime Minister yesterday reasserted the old principle that the public are the police and the police are the public. Given that people are entitled under law to use reasonable force in defence of their lives, their property and their communities, it is important that the public are given appropriate guidance. I will be writing to the Home Secretary seeking that guidance.

Similarly, the police should be guided by the principle of reasonable force. Occasionally, an individual police officer has used excessive force in a difficult atmosphere but, over the past few days, the police have not used that force which it appears the majority of the population would have endorsed. I personally do not approve of ‘kettling’ peaceful demonstrators. We have to recognise that the police are in an extremely difficult position in this area. However, Parliament and the Government must ensure that the police are able to use that force which is reasonable in the circumstances, even if that includes the use of baton rounds, water cannons, tear gas or other tactics which may cause serious injury or even death.

We now face the problem of inadequate sentencing. I will be writing to the Justice Secretary on that subject.

All in all, I believe we now see clearly the legacy of a century of misguided statism and surrender of basic human values. The police have not drawn the correct distinction between policing legitimate demonstrations and intervening in criminal riots: unreasonable force has sometimes been used where none was appropriate and reasonable force has not been used where it was required. That must be resolved.

How so many people have come to be so reckless, irresponsible, immoral and downright criminal will be a subject for discussion over many years. I am reminded of the warnings issued by C S Lewis in The Abolition of Man and by Alexis de Tocqueville, who wrote in the 19th century of the dangers of the nanny state:

Subjection in minor affairs breaks out every day and is felt by the whole community indiscriminately. It does not drive men to resistance, but it crosses them at every turn, till they are led to surrender the exercise of their own will. Thus their spirit is gradually broken and their character enervated [...]. It is in vain to summon a people who have been rendered so dependent on the central power to choose from time to time the representatives of that power; this rare and brief exercise of their free choice, however important it may be, will not prevent them from gradually losing the faculties of thinking, feeling, and acting for themselves, and thus gradually falling below the level of humanity.

It is my view that many in our society have sunk to the present level because, for generations, we have progressively surrendered ourselves to the embrace of the state. It is past time that we rediscovered the classical English values of liberty under the law, which means responsibility. That would include building a straightforward system of justice based, not on the state’s attempt to shape the individual’s character, but on the protection of life, liberty and property.

However, on the positive side, I have been deeply heartened by the way communities have come together to defend themselves and to clear up the mess created by those who have betrayed their fellow man. Moreover, the young people I meet in Wycombe schools and during their work experience unfailingly lift my spirits with their sincerity, good intent and earnestness. Our young people are, on the whole, a cause not for despair but for hope.

The disgraceful events of the past days contain many lessons for us all. We should now strive to build a better society based on personal and social responsibility and those values which have sustained every civilisation, foremost of which is this: do as you would have others do unto you.

Public life – how low can we go?

I came into politics out of fury with a political elite which was positively trampling the principles of democracy and an open society. By 2007, what Labour were doing to our country was awful enough, but then the handling of the Lisbon Treaty was the final straw: what a witches’ brew of deceit, sophisty and betrayal surrounded that unacceptable affront to government with the consent of the governed.

I thought we could go no lower.

And then came the expenses scandal and I was ashamed to be on the candidate list. After much kerfuffle, we seem to be moving on. Certainly, MPs know they are on thin ice…

Yet here is a new low: a repulsive phone hacking scandal involving not just journalists, but also police and politicians. Anyone ought to be disgusted by the conduct of public life which is being revealed.

Of course we need investigations into the circumstances of this case and the conduct of the press but there is something wider at stake. We need to question whether a stong state of near total scope with so little real democratic accountability, coupled with such a short and continuous news cycle, can ever escape the incentives that the system creates.

The “Westminster Bubble” is intense and unavoidable. We may be lobbied by powerful interest groups such as teachers, health professionals or publicly-funded charities. Companies and industries come together to press their case in a kind of corporatist guild socialism. Think tanks keep yelling at politicians who are too busy to listen. The Party has its own demands for absolute loyalty to the line and to the Whip.

Amongst all this, our constituents are suffering real state failures. HMRC, in particular, is treating people abominably and every state-provided public service has its victims of inadequate quality or service.  As I have written before, the state is in decline. The era of big government has run its course, together with the dominance of its client classes: the politicians, the journalists, the giant corporations which suckle poisonously at the teat of taxpayer-backed funding, the special interest groups without a care for others and all those who fear to make a living through voluntary social cooperation.

Layer by layer, the corruption of society inherent in big government is being exposed. Good.

Of course we need a free press to hold power to account — that is an essential component of democracy – but all freedom requires an objective moral basis if it is not to degenerate into savagery, exploitation and degradation of the human spirit.

We must rediscover  and apply those values which have sustained civilisations through the ages.

The golden rule has been stated many ways but “do as you would have others do unto you” may be the most familiar. Naive it may sound but more ethical conduct is vital if we are not to discover that public life can go yet lower.

On the Coalition and the media

I’ve had a varied couple of days working for my constituents in Parliament – see theyworkforyou.com – but most interesting is what I have confirmed about the media.

On this blog, I described various aspects of the political situation as a “pantomime” we should move past. That was picked up by the national media. Two news channels wanted to interview me. The BBC quoted me online, until a colleague said something more combative and less supportive of coalition.

While government and business in Parliament are proceeding with very little conflict between back-bench members of the governing parties, that doesn’t suit the news. They want sensation and they will maximise any hint of it.

Perhaps this is nothing new but now more than ever I begin to understand the existence and conduct of the “Westminster Bubble”. I hope the development of new media bursts it.

The Rise and Decline of the State

Brought forward. I just had cause to share this with a constituent in relation to the Kafkaesque nightmare they face.

David Cameron has said that the era of big government has run its course. The foreword to our manifesto sets out the rotten state of Britain (see also Butler) and the change we offer: from big government to big society.

What then is the history of big government? How did it come about? Has it run its course? Why has big government failed? All this prompted me to read again, but carefully this time, Martin Van Creveld’s The Rise and Decline of the State.

Van Creveld argues that government and state are emphatically not the same. He explains that the government “is a person or group which makes peace, wages war, enacts laws, exercises justice, raises revenue, determines the currency and looks after internal security on behalf of society as a whole, all the while attempting to provide a focus for people’s loyalty and, perhaps, a modicum of welfare as well”. On the other hand, he writes, the state is merely one form of government which may be considered neither eternal nor self evident.

The book’s range is astonishing. Van Creveld begins with prehistoric forms of society before charting the rise of the state, the state as an instrument, the state as an ideal, the spread of the state and, more recently, the decline of the state. Tribes without rulers, chiefdoms, city-states and empires all reached their limits. The monarchs triumphed against church, empire, nobility and towns. Bureaucracies were created which provided infrastructure, monopolised violence and, in short, delivered Leviathan. The state was idealised and used to discipline the people. Money was conquered and total war discovered. The state spread across the world. Major war waned, partly due to the impossibility of total war in the nuclear age. State welfare went into retreat. Technology spread internationally. Finally, the people withdrew their faith in the state.
Read more

Government should be banned from borrowing

For a very long time, it has seemed perfectly natural that governments could and should borrow – to finance expensive wars or infrastructure projects, for example. Keynesian economists saw the occasional deficit as an important way of managing the economy. But once you give politicians the power to borrow, a huge moral hazard arises. It becomes just too tempting, and too easy, to borrow for the purposes of current consumption, rather than future benefit. More expensive schools, rising healthcare standards, more generous pensions, more police, social workers and officials, even bailing out the banks – all can be packaged as an ‘investment’ in the future. But in fact the principal beneficiaries are we today, who enjoy all these improvements. The losers are the next generation who find themselves bearing the cost.

Read the rest of the article at the ASI: Government should be banned from borrowing.

The original and the contemporary Leviathan and the Third Way

This morning, I was delighted to attend the opening of Biblefresh in High Wycombe. The programme for the day looked superb and I was sorry I could not stay for it.  Wycliffe Bible Translators set out a tremendous display which was a powerful reminder both of how many languages humanity has invented and of how many still do not have a Bible translation.

Before leaving, I agreed to hand-write Job 1:6-12 as part of the Handwritten Bible Project, which celebrates the 400th anniversary of the King James Version of the Bible.

The Book of Job is a beautiful poetic allegory which seeks to address the problem of evil.  It’s from Job’s response to the misadventures which befall him that we derive the expression, “the patience of Job”. The book introduces Behemoth and Leviathan:

“I will not fail to speak of Leviathan’s limbs, its strength and its graceful form.

Who can strip off its outer coat? Who can penetrate its double coat of armor?

Who dares open the doors of its mouth, ringed about with fearsome teeth?

Smoke, flames, snorting and so on and so forth: it’s not a comforting image.

Simply as a piece of ancient literature, the Book of Job is well worth a read but, for a contemporary account of Leviathan, I recommend David B. Smith’s excellent Living with Leviathan: Public Spending, Taxes and Economic Performance:

New Labour’s so-called ‘third way’, and the prevalent economic paradigm in much of ‘Old Europe’, appears to correspond to none of these categories [free market, socialist and 'Butskellite' mixed]. Instead, it appears to be a system under which the private sector maintains a nominal legal control over its capital and labour, but the returns on these factors of production are so heavily influenced by tax and regulation that the public sector ends up effectively controlling such returns. This sham form of mixed economy, which needs to be distinguished from the British mixed economy of the 1950s, has traditionally been associated with fascist regimes – for example, the gelenkte Wirtschaft (supple or ‘joined-up’ economy) that Goering implemented in Nazi Germany in 1936. Such systems represent an obvious intellectual attempt to reconcile a socialist-inspired desire for a powerful interventionist state with the wealth-creating force of ‘bourgeois-liberal capitalism’, and tend to be popular with politicians and bureaucrats, because they force all sectors of society to kowtow to the state and its functionaries if they are to remain in business. This means that such ‘third way’ systems can easily generate a rich harvest of corrupt favours, and maximise the opportunities for the political and bureaucratic class to acquire plunder and reward their supporters, and seems to explain why politicians who can slip free of democratic control tend to independently rediscover and gravitate towards the fascist model of economic organisation. It is certainly not being suggested that New Labour economic policy is consciously modelled on pre-war fascist precedents but rather that a combination of the Marxist- inspired New Left ideas of the former student radicals of the 1960s and 1970s, who now compose so much of the Labour Party establishment, when combined with an intense nanny-style authoritarianism, and the practical need to get elected, produced a synthesis that ended up with an economic approach that was functionally hard to distinguish from that of fascism.

Leviathan has always been a terror, but the contemporary version seems to me the far greater danger.